Post by alxeu on Sept 18, 2023 12:30:01 GMT -5
“Order, I WILL HAVE ORDER,” shouted the Speaker, desperately trying to get the Sejm to calm down. Nearly half of the body, including many members of the governing coalition, had been yelling at the Prime Minister and his closest supporters over the inauspicious start to the war. Just two days had passed, and already some fortresses along the border had fallen to the enemy (though any high-ranking officer in the Lusatian Army would tell you that this was planned for, and redundancy upon redundancy remained).
More cries of indignation lashed out, but the body returned to a state of disgruntled murmuring as the Prime Minister himself sat back down and let the Minister of Defense, Dziedzic, explain the situation on the front as it was known, the progress of additional military formations to the front, anticipated Galran force deployments, and proposed plans for extended conscription. Komorowski nodded with approval as he glanced through the Sejm – nearly everyone who mattered was now seemingly less frustrated, but it was clear at any rate that there was much the government now needed to do to retain that barest bit of trust. Komorowski glanced at the leader of the Socialist Labor’s delegation to the Sejm, Anton Piers, and gave a suggesting look. Piers returned a glance, and nodded, before returning to listen to the various Ministers give reports on how each of their ministries were handling the immediate emergency.
It was later that afternoon that Piers and Komorowski met in the latter’s office. Pouring out some whiskey for both men, Komorowski started the conversation.
“I trust you know why I wanted to meet you?”
Piers scoffed, “You need my party to ensure the unions stay in line during the war, even at the cost of rolling back recently earned rights.”
“Not exactly, Anton. I need your support to make sure that when the union workers have their draft numbers called, they answer. Your workers will keep their rights – they may even strike, provided they give the government warning and time to intervene – and their pay increases shall be legally enforced, still.”
“I could support that. What do we get out of it?”
“The new Ministry of Labor, to you or a trusted ally. Responsible for organizing government relations with the factory workers, to ensure cooperation on all levels and to mitigate the possibility of crippling strikes during wartime.”
“That would be acceptable,” Piers mused.
“I’ll also expect your party to support an Enabling Act. The Regent has informed me he is willing to authorize one should it pass.”
Piers choked on his drink, but soon recovered, “You’re going to assume legislative authority?”
“The government must. These times are too dangerous to allow for the full process to play out. It’s not like I’m above the Sejm by imposing this – the government can still fall via a Vote of No Confidence.”
“…Very well,” Piers sighed. “I’ll whip my party in support of the measure, and we’ll officially declare support for a wartime unity government, provided you shuffle us into another of the lesser ministries, Commerce or Transportation – I know I can’t expect much more given the importance of the other ministers.”
“That can be arranged. Thank you, Mr. Piers.”
THE EMERGENCY ENABLING ACT OF 1934
Passed 501-3 (8 abstentions)
An emergency cabinet consisting of the Prime Minister’s government and the Monarch (represented by the Regent, the Count of Czarnelasy, Stanislaw Ankwicz) is to be immediately formed.
This cabinet is empowered to both write and enforce legislation appropriate to the crisis at hand, and any situations evolving as a result of the crisis.
During this time, the Sejm will be meeting only in limited, consultative sessions, provided no vote of confidence is called for.
This power is to remain in force until the conclusion of the crisis or a vote of no confidence in the government.
More cries of indignation lashed out, but the body returned to a state of disgruntled murmuring as the Prime Minister himself sat back down and let the Minister of Defense, Dziedzic, explain the situation on the front as it was known, the progress of additional military formations to the front, anticipated Galran force deployments, and proposed plans for extended conscription. Komorowski nodded with approval as he glanced through the Sejm – nearly everyone who mattered was now seemingly less frustrated, but it was clear at any rate that there was much the government now needed to do to retain that barest bit of trust. Komorowski glanced at the leader of the Socialist Labor’s delegation to the Sejm, Anton Piers, and gave a suggesting look. Piers returned a glance, and nodded, before returning to listen to the various Ministers give reports on how each of their ministries were handling the immediate emergency.
It was later that afternoon that Piers and Komorowski met in the latter’s office. Pouring out some whiskey for both men, Komorowski started the conversation.
“I trust you know why I wanted to meet you?”
Piers scoffed, “You need my party to ensure the unions stay in line during the war, even at the cost of rolling back recently earned rights.”
“Not exactly, Anton. I need your support to make sure that when the union workers have their draft numbers called, they answer. Your workers will keep their rights – they may even strike, provided they give the government warning and time to intervene – and their pay increases shall be legally enforced, still.”
“I could support that. What do we get out of it?”
“The new Ministry of Labor, to you or a trusted ally. Responsible for organizing government relations with the factory workers, to ensure cooperation on all levels and to mitigate the possibility of crippling strikes during wartime.”
“That would be acceptable,” Piers mused.
“I’ll also expect your party to support an Enabling Act. The Regent has informed me he is willing to authorize one should it pass.”
Piers choked on his drink, but soon recovered, “You’re going to assume legislative authority?”
“The government must. These times are too dangerous to allow for the full process to play out. It’s not like I’m above the Sejm by imposing this – the government can still fall via a Vote of No Confidence.”
“…Very well,” Piers sighed. “I’ll whip my party in support of the measure, and we’ll officially declare support for a wartime unity government, provided you shuffle us into another of the lesser ministries, Commerce or Transportation – I know I can’t expect much more given the importance of the other ministers.”
“That can be arranged. Thank you, Mr. Piers.”
THE EMERGENCY ENABLING ACT OF 1934
Passed 501-3 (8 abstentions)
An emergency cabinet consisting of the Prime Minister’s government and the Monarch (represented by the Regent, the Count of Czarnelasy, Stanislaw Ankwicz) is to be immediately formed.
This cabinet is empowered to both write and enforce legislation appropriate to the crisis at hand, and any situations evolving as a result of the crisis.
During this time, the Sejm will be meeting only in limited, consultative sessions, provided no vote of confidence is called for.
This power is to remain in force until the conclusion of the crisis or a vote of no confidence in the government.