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Post by alxeu on Aug 17, 2022 19:10:50 GMT -5
[Continued from "In the Streets of the City"]
For three days, the strikes around the Dviski Street Steelworks went on uninterrupted. This was normal. Standard operating procedure for arresting strikers was to use the first few days as an observation period. Find the ringleaders while gauging the crowd in general for their determination. If it seemed likely that they would lose steam before too long, no arrests needed to be made. On day four, Lieutenant Daniil Lechowitz, along with six or seven other officers from the Kazimierzgrad Police Department, made their way to the Steelworks to make arrests. Daniil almost felt sympathy for the red-haired man he arrested, a father to four who had been fired from the plant just a week before without severance. Still, that didn't excuse "exciting public discord," as the arrest warrant he filled out that afternoon stated. The man would likely spend a few weeks in the city jail before being slapped with a fine, put on a watchlist, and sent on his way.
The next day, the expected outcome of the arrests had come to pass: there were still strikers, but without their leadership, far fewer showed up and it became clear to Daniil and the other policemen who observed the proceedings that this strike would blow over simply, without issue. With this in mind, Daniil looked forward to a relaxing day off at home before the next week's activities. It wasn't long into his morning, on his day back that the police department realized just how wrong that assumption was. Further strikes, across most of the old industrial district, had resulted in about 30% of all industries in the city being shut down by strikes. In addition, protests by students had resulted in a suspension of educative activities at the universities in the city. Curiosity and rumor further served to disrupt commerce in the strike-less market square and business districts, as many went to go see the strikers and learn why so many had turned out. Scrambling, the police department could do little on the seventh day on the strike except keep strikers from marching and otherwise keeping public order.
The next couple of days only got worse. Workers in factories previously unassociated with the strike, along with shop-workers and other business employees, joined in the movement, and on the 27th, it was estimated that 60% of the city's commerce was disrupted. Further concerns grew as the railway workers had picked up on the strike and had begun to refuse to load or unload cargo as the railyard, with only passenger traffic still mobile. By mid-day, police units had returned to making arrests, though with the scale of the unrest, their direction was far less pinpoint and general arrests of large portions of strikers without heed of who was inciting the strikes led to the jails quickly overflowing by that evening.
Equally frustrating was an increasingly clarity that these strikes were not spontaneous, or, at least, the industrial strikes weren't spontaneous. A unified list of demands began circulating the industrial district before being picked up by a worker-friendly newspaper that published the demands. They were remarkably simple, but with high aim: legislative reform by the government, focused on three demands:
1) A Safe Workplace
2) A Safe Wage
3) A Safe Job
These demands had come straight from the minds of the students led by Viktor Janssyn, who had identified the two most frequent demands of the industrial workers, as well as the one problem keeping meaningful change from occurring. Without a guarantee that termination could not come without just reasons, unions were easily nipped in the bud by factory magnates and the managers that worked for them. As long as this was the case, there would be no reform to the practices of Lusatian industries without major scandals, which was becoming increasingly unacceptable to their workforces. And with these demands served, and it dawning on the police that they were completely outmatched, all eyes in the city turned to the government to see what it would do in response to the events of the past nine days.
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Post by alxeu on Sept 23, 2022 15:19:18 GMT -5
"Therefore, the government, as always, shall side with the moral and upstanding persons of Lusatia, and not give in to the seditious, evil forces of socialism that have infested this city. We call on all upstanding citizens of Kazimierzgrad to stand with the government against these subversives and aid police attempts to maintain control over the city."
Applause, noted Prime Minister Josef Pulaski, Good to see the party hasn't lost it's head over these recent affairs. Looking at the parliament before and around him, the Prime Minister was thankful that the Agrarians and Conservatives backed his position and actions here, and that even many Liberals were willing to oppose the strike. It'll make it easier to crack down on the strike without pushback, he mused.
Minutes from a Cabinet Meeting, Stay 5th, 1931, 8:30 AT
...
PULASKI: So is agreed, then? We give permission to Lusatian Minister Michalski to have his gendarmerie forces in and around Kaziemierzgrad block the streets and support workers in getting back to work where the strikers are blocking them.
MICHALSKI: I shall see the event through to its end, no matter what, Prime Minister. These ingrates in the streets will be brought to reason.
BAŁUCKA: Just keep things civil. The last thing we need is hot-headed officers causing more problems than they solve.
MICHALSKI: My officers are very professional, thank you very much. Besides, those workers will give up at the first sign of real pushback. No doubt they see everything up to now as a fun vacation from responsibility. They'll be taught to listen.
...
Kazimierzgrad's market square is normally a bustling sight full of commerce and joyful goings-on. Where there aren't market stalls, there are usually street performers or even locals huddled around kegs of beer, enjoying days off or else celebrating some occurrence or another. During the strike, it had turned into a hub of activity, where many leaders of the strikes had congregated to give speeches and encourage resistance against the greedy bosses of the various industries. There they had already celebrated some victories against less conservative industrialists, who opted to take the financial hit for either better optics or to just get their factories running again. There, too, had they set up soup kitchens and beer kegs for the workers who needed additional food to help supplement their family during the strike. And there, too, did the gendarmerie arrive early in the morning of Stay 6th.
Commander Leo Kiewitz of the 4th Kazimierzgrad Gendarmerie Battalion was an unusual pick for commanding officer of a police force. Namely, he had no real training for the position, or past service worthy of conferring the position upon him. Instead, he was the nephew of a high-ranking general in the Lusatian Army and 2nd cousin of a minor noble who nonetheless served in the House of Lords. Standing on the weight of his family name moreso than his own skills, he led his men with an aloof demeanor, not always successfully disciplining his men. Furthermore, he couldn't stand the strike, viewing them as anti-patriotic, and, worse, threatening towards the lifestyles of people he called family, he was determined to follow through with his orders to get the strikers to vacate the market square. To the credit of his second-in-command, the gendarmerie takeover of the square proceeded peacefully at first, and for a brief moment, the winds of history seemed to blow by Kazimierzgrad without a care.
The altercation began over something farcical and mundane, as such events are wont to do. A few gendarmerie, realizing that the kegs that the protestors were taking with them contained beer, demanded they hurry up their disembarkment from the square by leaving the kegs. After all, they were heavy and not all the kegs fit into the carts the protestors had available. In addition, the protestors between all of them were not likely to have been able to afford the quantities of alcohol they had in the square, so the gendarmerie were perfectly willing to overlook their theft if the kegs were left for their own usage. Naturally, the accusations of theft while the officers were busy trying to steal their booze made the workers carrying the kegs angry, and they refused. After a short amount of bickering, a brewer by the name of Oskar Mierowitz worked his way over and introduced himself as the brewer whose brewery had made the beer the protestors possessed and confirmed that the beer kegs had been provided free of charge to the protestors. The disagreement continued, the officers of the gendarmerie now contending that Mierowitz was not the owner of the brewery, demanding they see some kind of identification paperwork.
By this point, the area was becoming crowded and the heat of the argument finally boiled over. There are two accounts as to what happened next. The protestors contend that one of the officers pulled his sidearm and whipped Mierowitz with it, knocking the brewer to the ground. A couple of the protestors surrounding Mierowitz went to help him while a third punched the officer and began to wrestle with him for his sidearm. While struggling, the officer fired his gun into the protestor's stomach, and before anyone could react the other officers nearby drew their sidearms and fired at the protestors surrounding them. The gendarmerie contend that Mierowitz pushed back the officer nearest to him, before reaching for something in his coat pocket. Believing it to be a gun, the gendarmerie officer pulled his sidearm and fired in Mierowitz's direction. In support of their comrade, the gendarmerie officers standing next to him drew their sidearms and began firing at any protestors they felt were too close.
Whatever the case, the other officers, panicked by the gunfire and assuming the worst, pulled their rifles and began firing at the protestors who surrounded their fellow officers, before turning and threatening further fire on anyone who didn't immediately leave the square, not that this was necessary. Panic spread through the protestors, and aside from a few who successfully carried the bodies of the wounded out of the square, every protestor fled the square with minutes of the firing beginning. As for Commander Kiewitz, he recognized what had happened, but decided that since it had already happened, it would be best to continue the course, ordering his officers to secure the square and threaten further repercussions for anyone who approached the market square without appropriate business.
Around noon, the commander of the city garrison finally realized what Kiewitz was up to and dismissed him from his command, promoted his second-in-command to command, and order him to pull his men from the square. However, the damage had already been done. By the time the bodies were cleared from the square, an estimated 127 had been confirmed dead, and another 562 were confirmed wounded. Three officers of the gendarmerie were wounded in crossfire caused by the initial confusion.
Far from extinguishing the strikes, the gendarmerie had doused the entire city in kerosene.
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Post by alxeu on Sept 24, 2022 16:43:08 GMT -5
"Massacre at Kazimierzgrad Market Square," read one headline.
"Minister of Agriculture and Attorney General Resign," read another.
"Government Faces Vote of No-Confidence in Sejm," read the most damning.
The situation had only worsened for the government since the morning, Foreign Minister Stefan Kaminski noted. Pulaski had been absent since the news broke, meeting with that sycophantic Minister Michalski. No doubt the pair were working on hatching some new scheme to set the city further ablaze. Kaminski had given up on the Prime Minister when the religious faction of the cabinet had signed a group resignation at 2:00 AT. Economic Minister Zachariasiewicz might have been hard to work with at times, but Stefan knew him to be a reasonable man who could tell when the situation was beyond defending. Whatever plan Pulaski was cooking up would be sure to fall flat on its face, and as much as Stefan loathed admitting, it was likely significant concessions would need to be doled to the mob to keep the government empowered.
But how in the world was Stefan supposed to make the Prime Minister understand that?
Where Stay 6th had seen the gendarmerie attack and the unionists retreat, a far different mood was in the air on Stay 7th.
Viktor Janssyn, leader of the strikers, had urged his supporters to return to the streets as they had done the day before to prove that they had not been, and would not be, cowed by the violence against them the day before. Signs with names of the slain were prepared, in order to be held up at the picket lines across the city. Plans to call for massive concessions from the government now included measures to defang the gendarmerie to prevent such a slaughter from ever happening again. However, the time for more measured demonstration had ended, a compromise between the government and workers now being impossible, the path the peace having the door slammed shut.
Today, workers returned to their positions from the day before. Armed. Lusatia had limited gun ownership restrictions, and among the many valid reasons to possess a gun was if one was a former conscript, in which case, they could retain their rifle from their service. Hundreds of workers now arrived armed with these service rifles, each with a clip or two of ammunition. Not a lot for a pitched battle, but enough to give the law enforcement serious pause. Forming "Workers Protection Companies," these workers began preparing barricades in the major public areas of the city, ready for another assault on themselves and their compatriots.
Janssyn and the students realized they had lost control of the movement, though many of them still supported the new direction of the strike, agreeing with the growing sentiment on the streets that the government had to resign. Joining the worker strikes today were several middle class individuals, who now saw the gendarmerie assault on the workers as a vital stab at the liberties of the Lusatian people. Politicians had officially begun demonstrating with the workers, too, with the anarchists and syndicalists from the SLP declaring their unyielding support for the workers in pursuit of their own liberation.
These groups all braced for a gendarmerie assault that was not to come. Despite orders to maintain control of the city, the captain of the city garrison refused to order his men to suppress the arguably now revolting workers, defending his actions by stating that the gendarmerie had made the situation worse, and without proper support, his forces could only fight a losing battle against such heavily armed and dug in workers. He urged the government to concede on the unions' demands, unaware that these demands now included the government's resignation.
The Prime Minister had other plans, however, and consulting with Lusatian Minister Anton Michalski late into the night, he had decided on a new plan, one which he would reveal to the cabinet the next morning.
From the journal of King Oscar:
Stay 7th, 1931, Evening
The unruliness in the streets the past days are of great concern to Us and the privy council. Contrary to the assurances of the Prime Minister, it is unlikely things will be resolved with, "minimal unacceptable losses." And yet, what can be done? The discord must be ended, but can it be ended by the hands that caused it? I must consider these questions, as the actions of the previous days read much like the irreverent tides of history, content to sink all those who struggle against them.
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Post by alxeu on Oct 1, 2022 21:23:08 GMT -5
Crisis Cabinet Meeting, 11:00 MT, Stay 8th, 1931
He might've refused to admit it, but Josef Pulaski was now seeing enemies around every corner. The Prime Minister saw increasing betrayals occurring around him, first from the people, then from the police, and now, finally, his own party. Attending the meeting of the cabinet in the morning, he suppressed a momentary fit of fury when he saw just three other men in the room. Turning to his frustratingly independently-thinking Foreign Minister, Kaminski, he demanded a response with a glance.
"Josef, glad you weren't too busy to join us," the Foreign Minister began. "Apologies, but it seems the Lusatian Minister is too busy to join us, he's busy organizing the military police for today's activities. As for Antanas, he's not going to be attending meetings anymore, he's handed in his resignation."
Pulaski grumbled, looking between the Foreign Minister, the Defense Minister, and the Colonial Minister, noting that once he had control of things, he might as well finish a restructuring of the cabinet. He replied, "It's no matter, today will be the end of the crisis, we will have control of things, easily."
Kaminski raised an eyebrow, "You have a plan in mind?"
Pulaski grinned sinisterly, "There's one force those syndicalists can't best and it's only a day away from the capital."
This hung in the air a moment, both Kaminski and Świtalski, the Colonial Minister, being stunned, while Defense Minister Dziedzic glared at Kaminski. He spoke, slowly, darkly, "I won't grant such an order, and even if I did, those politicians in the Sejm will throw you out before the divisions can arrive."
Pulaski waved him off, "If you won't, someone else will. The Sejm won't be able to do a thing about it, anyway. I intend to ask the King for a State of Emergency."
Now Kaminski recovered, "He wouldn't agree to such a thing, Josef, you're better off resigning with some dignity."
Pulaski's cool began to fade, "There is no dignity in defeat. The King will see reason, my success is inevitable."
Kaminski stood, producing an envelope with the King's Seal on it, "Your success is impossible. I have with me an envelope I've been instructed to open should you refuse to see reason, Josef, but I know what's inside. I beg you, if you don't resign, things will only be worse for you."
Pulaski scoffed, "A bluff. That letter from the King is surely a blessing for my plans, you traitor. Go ahead, open it and weep!"
Kaminski sighed, opened the letter, and firmly began reading...
"A Decree of the King, to be read to the civilian cabinet of Prime Minister Josef Pulaski:
"In light of the unrest in the streets caused by the actions of the Prime Minister and his government,
"We hereby order the government dissolved and empower the Honorable Feliks Komorowski of the Liberal Party to form a new government in coordination with the Conservative Party, which We urge to work with the Liberals until such time a new election is to be held.
"As for the now former Prime Minister, Josef Pulaski,
"For his crimes against the people of Lusatia, including the cold-blooded murder of 127 Lusatian workers, he will be tried and judged with utmost prejudice.
"May the will of those above be done,
"King Oscar I of the United Kingdoms of Lusatia and Jzegrad"
Defeated, Pulaski sat somberly in his chair, oblivious to his surroundings as marshals of the police arrived to arrest him and drive him out of the city. His time was over.
Already arrangements were being made for the political future of the country.
As asserted by the King's Decree, Feliks Komorowski would become Prime Minister of Lusatia. He formed a government mostly consisting of his party members, but with a few notable exceptions:
The Foreign Ministry was staffed by Stefan Kaminski of the Conservatives, the Economic Ministry was staffed by Mikołaj Zachariasiewicz, also of the Conservatives, and the Defense Ministry was staffed by Marshal Radomił Dziedzic, a Non-Partisan officer. The Agrarians were reserved their traditional seat in the Agricultural Ministry, while the remaining seats all went to the Liberals.
The results of the voting to confirm this new cabinet revealed a split in both the Conservatives and the Socialist Labor Party. The Conservatives split between "Hardline Conservatives" and "Pragmatic Conservatives," factions which would, in the coming months, grow more embittered with each other than either were towards the Liberals. The SLP, meanwhile, witnessed resignations from all its Sejm members outside the Social Democrats, Democratic Socialists, and Social Patriots, the Centralists, Syndicalists, and Anarchists all resigning after it became clear no election would be held anytime soon.
As the next few days progressed, the strikes returned to their previous states of peaceable energy, awaiting official confirmation of concessions from the new government.
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Post by alxeu on Oct 11, 2022 21:10:02 GMT -5
Recognizing the situation for what it was, the new Liberal government under Prime Minister Komorowski quickly approved a large list of social reforms targeting many of the complaints workers had, as well as some they had not vocalized, indicating a general intent of the new government to embark on reform.
Below are some of the key measures:
1. Minimum Wage is to be immediately raised to 1 Zloty an hour with the minimum wage being further raised by half a Zloty in five years, and a further raise in ten years to a new wage of 2 Zloty an hour, to roughly match the current Ulster-Gaelian minimum wage by 1941. Emphasis on the gradual increase of the wage was made, indicating that the measures were taken to avoid rampant inflation from a sudden hike. [Minimum Wage increases to 0.2 Jewels, in 1936 to 0.3 Jewels, and then 0.4 Jewels in 1941]
2. The maximum length of a workweek is immediately cut to 55 hours, with it being shortened to 50 hours by 1936.
3. Labor Unions are now protected by the government and any corporate attempt to interfere in the formation of workers' unions will face sanctions and possible government seizure of corporate property.
4. A new Ministry of Labor is formed to be staffed by sympathetic bureaucrats that will mediate unresolved labor/corporate disputes. It will have broad powers to leverage both sides to a certain list of terms, that, if violated, will see government force used to enforce the terms.
5. Companies owe employees who are fired for an unrecognized reason two weeks' severance.
With these measures implemented, among a litany of safety reforms, the anger in the streets was largely defused. Grumbling Hardliners blasted the "capitulation" of the government, while Pragmatists bit their tongues and went with the reforms, determined to not let a revolution occur.
The final act in the strikes of 1931 was more tragedy.
On Stay 29th, a few weeks after the inauguration of the new government and its reforms, a disgruntled socialist steelworker attended a speech by Kazimierzgrad Mayor and Liberal Party member Daniil Miersky. Miersky had supported the deployment of the gendarmerie during the height of the strike, and though he later tried to distance himself from the event, many of the people had not forgotten his words during the crisis.
At 11:02 MT, the steelworker, having worked his way to the front of the crowd, waited for Miersky to pause in his speech, and when that next opportunity presented himself, the worker shouted, "For the workers of Lusatia," and threw two bombs upon the stage. These bombs shortly detonated, killing the mayor and injuring a handful of aides and police officers who had served as a protection detail for the mayor.
The officer who gunned down the steelworker was Lieutenant Daniil Lechowitz, who, upon examining the dead man's body, grimaced and then sighed, resigned. It was the same red-haired father of four he had arrested earlier that month, radicalized by the events of the strike.
This event would dampen enthusiasm for socialism in the coming months, in addition to enabling the government to make targeted arrests of specific socialist agitators that were alleged to have not given up on a violent government overthrow.
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