Lusatian Politics

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Important Legislation Passed in Lusatia, Obsillia 1945

The Farm Subsides and Loans Act

Due to deflation of food prices following greater Lusatian access to the world market, and rising costs associated with transporting food, the Farm Subsidies and Loans Act of 1945 seeks to be an answer to the food crisis in Lusatia. The FSLA establishes official government subsidies for farmers producing food crops, such as corn, wheat, and rice, enabling them to still turn a profit even while they mass-produce these value-deflated crops. The Act also provides for low interest loans to Lusatians who seek to start farms and begin producing foodstuffs, as well, offering generous amounts of money at below average interest rates. The Act passed the House of Commons rather uncontroversially, with great backing from the Prime Minister's party, in addition to the Agrarians also voting in favor. Liberals, seeing it a manipulation of the free market, opposed it.

The National Interstate Act

Another key portion of the Prime Minister's attempts to unite his coalition, this Liberal-sponsored Act mandates the creation of highway systems between the Voivodeships of the nation, connecting major cities and rail links, as well as funding bridges, tunnels, renovation of the rail lines, and underdeveloped rural road systems. The intent of the Act was to reduce strain on the existing rail and road networks, and increase availability to vital infrastructure routes not just to commercial ventures in large cities, but also to farmers and suburban citizens, who found the poor conditions of the roads outside of cities to be detrimental to their ability to travel. The Act passed with overwhelming support from Coalition members, due to combined support from Liberal and Conservative politicians. Agrarians opposed the act due to concerns that rural regions might see the least benefit from the Act.


The End of Rationing Act

Forced through by the Conservatives against the will of the Agrarians, who felt the measures premature, and against the Liberals, who felt it did not go far enough, the EoRA officially sets an end date for all war-time rationing in Lusatia, slowly transitioning the nation back into open supply and demand by the end of the year. Liberal politicians notably argued such measures should be ended, immediately, as well as the price caps on various essential goods, arguing for the market to be completely set free from any manipulation whatsoever. Agrarians see the end of rationing as endangering rural communities, which may see supplies of food temporarily dry up in response to a restored greater demand from urban centers, and wished to see some kind of protection for rural communities in the legislation, which they did not get.

With the passage of this legislation, the fragile Grand Coalition seems unlikely to last much longer, as the competing interests of the parties within the Coalition begin to return to the forefront.

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The Fall of the Coalition Government
A Cabinet Meeting, Obsillia 14th, 1945

"...And, therefore, we ought to make immediate provisions for the redirection of funding into new technologies and equipment for our armies, for the inevitable second conflict with the URRV," Prime Minister Pulaski concluded. "After all, they undoubtedly are doing the same."

Lusatian Minister Olszyk shook his head, "There's too many other industries and technologies we've neglected during the war. We can't return to military build-up in our current state. The only thing that held the Lusatian economy together was the hope that the conflict would be over soon. If we place our nation on a permanent war footing, consumer confidence will collapse, entirely, and we'll spiral into an economic depression. I'm sure my counterpart from Jzegrad would agree-"

Olszyk found himself interrupted by his Jzegradian counterpart, Wincenty Olech, "I do agree, Antonin, but I would prefer to speak for myself. Another war on the Jzegradian frontier will almost certainly endanger the harvests, and even the threat of one might encourage farmers to do anything but remain on their fields, feeding our people. We go through with this build-up, and I guarantee economic disaster isn't going to be the only bad thing happening to Lusatia, it'd be a famine, as well."

Pulaski shook his head, "What are you men suggesting, then? How would you spend our time at peace?"

Unsurprisingly, this question led to more debating and squabbling. Before long, Colonial Minister Jan Milanovski, leader of the Liberals, looked over at his fellow party member, Olszyk, and nodded, saying to Pulaski, "I do believe today has finally proven to all here that this coalition has not a leg to stand on with the war over. We all clearly have our own plans and intentions going forward, and they clearly don't align. I can't speak for anyone here but my own party, but the Liberal Party shall be withdrawing from this Coalition Government, and shall immediately seek Royal Assent for the disbanding of the government and the announcement of new elections, which we have gone without for too long."

Pulaski attempted to speak, "Go on then, and see where that gets you. With the Agrarians on our side-"

Olech interrupted him, "Do not presume to speak for my party, Prime Minister. For too long, the Agrarians have been taken for granted by both major parties as a willing accomplice in the gradual erosion of the lives and well-being of the rural population. A new election that sees the party reinvigorated by victories in the countryside will prove to both of you that we aren't to be taken lightly. The Agrarian Party shall also withdraw from the Coalition Government, and shall join the Liberals in voting for immediate elections."

Pulaski balked for a moment, then scoffed, "Go on, then, and ask for your elections. The people will see reason at the ballot box. I haven't been Prime Minister for 35 years for no reason, after all. I get things done, and done well. Goodbye, gentlemen."

With that, the Cabinet disbanded. The Defense Minister stayed behind, more than a little baffled at the complete failing of the politicians around him to cooperate. Shaking his head, he muttered to himself, "And not one of these fools take a moment to look at the bigger picture. There's a lot of discontent in the air, and the only reason the Socialists aren't any stronger is because there's not been an election since 1930. All the Coalition had to do was stay together long enough to set things back on track, and they couldn't even do that."

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Outside the Sejm, Obsillia 15th, 1945

MP Szymon Poterek, leader of the SLP, felt as though he was on top of the world. Having expressed to his secretary to schedule a meeting with the local labor unions later that day, he went for lunch with his fellow SLP parliamentarians.

Walking into a local pub known best for its burgers and potato wedges, Poterek paid for a round of beer for all those present... minus himself, who still had work that needed to be done, today. Speaking to his allies, he cheered, saying, "And so the reactionaries unknowingly dig their own grave. How long have we toiled during the war, building up support and ensuring the well-being of the workers even as the gears of an oppressive war grinded onward? We won ourselves a great victory in the strikes of 1938, did we not? Higher wages and better workplace safety, ensuring that those back home were not forgotten."

"I can see the results of the election, now, comrades! The SLP shall rise to power, and why the system built by the bourgeoisie and reactionaries may be too tough to overcome in five years, I promise you that with the time we will be given, we shall set the stage for greater successes and the inevitable victory of the workers against reaction and capital. Once the workers can taste their liberation, they will never again want to be slaves!"

A round of cheers from both his fellow parliamentarians and some other pub-goers who heard his speech filled the room, and soon singing began:

"Śmiało podnieśmy sztandar nasz w górę!

Choć burza wrogich żywiołów wyje...

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Someplace Unimportant, Obsillia 18th, 1945

Biernat Musiała had finished the preparations necessary for his campaigning across the Lusatian hinterland on behalf of the SLP. Having been given a list of approved talking points, however, he began to find himself doubting the party, ever so slightly. He had understood opposition to the reactionary wars fought in the past decade: after all, with all the bourgeoisie caught up in support of a pointless, unwinnable war, the SLP could only gain from opposing the war, even if, long-term, the reactionaries bleeding all their might would be better for the workers' revolution. However, now, the SLP leadership continued its pacifistic stance, urging on an internal focus of reform and internal cultural revolution. Would the workers not be freer if the SLP swept away all reactionaries and bourgeoisie oppressors everywhere, thus in the process fatally weakening the ones at home, too?

The more he thought on it, the more he found himself disagreeing with several platform issues of the SLP, and, thus, quietly, he began to pen his own theories and plans, and, collecting them, decided it would be best if he momentarily detoured from campaigning to reveal his plans to the Internationale, himself, to win support for his plans and force the SLP leadership to work with him.

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The Elections of 1945
On the Campaign Trail, Esrellia 1st, 1945 - Esrellia 9th 1945

Change was in the air, and the Conservative Party was scrambling to contain the damage. The party leadership had long considered the people grateful and appreciative of their stewardship of the state during the Fifth Staol War, and never once associated the growing malaise and discontent with the war as a repudiation of their governance, but instead as an overarching desire for final victory against the enemies of Lusatia. Surely, now that Lusatia was at peace for the first time in a decade, people would rush to the Conservative Party in thanks for securing a victorious peace?

The polls on Esrellia 1st disagreed: the Conservatives were heading for electoral disaster, and the scheming, manipulative Liberals were to hold a majority after the election, if all things were to stay the same. Worse, there was a real concern that the SLP might, somehow, become the second largest party in the country, despite its blatant subservience to the government in Librevelt. Had they not, after all, attended the Internationale? They were traitors to everything a good Lusatian stood for, and, yet, they were threatening to place second ahead of the good Conservative government that had led the nation through thick and thin.

Plans were already underway to change the course of the election: a Red Scare. It was simple enough, as hadn't the URRV already been the enemy once before? Surely their ideological allies, and the Liberals who tolerated their existence, were easily scapegoated and made enemies of the common Lusatian as well?

Yes, this was the way, and soon, Conservative rallies began warning of doom and despair for Lusatia should the SLP or Liberals take office. However, if they though the other parties would let this slide, they were sorely mistaken.

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As the Masters Fight Amongst Themselves, the Slaves Break Their Chains, Esrellia 14th, 1945 - Esrellia 22nd, 1945

Traditionally, the Lusatian election season extended two and a half months after the elections were declared to have begun. Thus, the elections fell on Esrellia 29th, this year. Time, therefore, was running out to make cases to the people, and the leadership of the Socialist Labor Party rejoiced at this fact.

After all, for the past two weeks, the Conservatives and Liberals had fallen into squabbling amongst each other after the Conservatives attempted to accuse the Liberals of supporting SLP interests. At this, SLP leadership had scoffed, as the reactionaries had clearly forgotten they had banded together against the workers just a few years prior. Soon, Conservative attacks on the SLP directly had fallen by the wayside as the Liberal retaliation, a retaliation that had been necessitated by the pride of the bourgeoisie party being unable to stand association with the "unwashed" proletariat. Now, both parties denounced each other daily, and old skeletons that had been buried by both parties together, were being dug up and used to incriminate the other.

Unsurprisingly, all both parties had done is tarnish their good images. Soon enough, the SLP found itself surging ahead, winning over new converts to the party by the day. Sure, some were only tentatively connected the party, such as large swaths of the rural population, which had bolted from the Agrarian Party in disgust at their party's dealings with the bourgeoisie oppressors (an unfortunate collateral to the Liberal-Conservative feud, the party had seen its support base all-but evaporate), but, overall, the SLP was strongly united in its determination to end the Conservative and Liberal hegemony over the government. 

And as each day passed with another buried governmental scandal coming to light, any hope of the governing parties to stop the SLP surge in the polls grew fainter and fainter.

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Election Night, Esrellia 29th, 1945 - Esrellia 30th 1945

In a surprise to everyone who hadn't been paying attention (mostly the Conservative and Liberal leadership), election night was a disaster for everyone but the Socialist Labor Party. Of the 512 seats of the House of Commons, 364 seats, or roughly 72%, were won by the SLP, though their popular margin was closer to 55% of the overall vote. Of the remaining parties, the Liberals did the best, winning 111 seats. The Conservatives secured 36 seats, while only the Leader of the Agrarians, Wincenty Olech, won his seat for the party. Shortly after the results were announced, parades of red banners were carried throughout the cities, and a jubilant Szymon Poterek, leader of the SLP and presumptive Prime Minister, suggessted that Esrellia 30th might go down as a national holiday, celebrating the liberation of the workers from their chains. Liberal and Conservative leadership declined to comment, while the King has indicated he has no intent of stopping a peaceful transition of power and appointment of a SLP cabinet. Soon enough, all eyes will be on the new Prime Minister, to see if his planned radical reform agenda will be as successful as promised, as, after all, with such a large majority and the deference of the King, the only things that could stop him are the Supreme Judiciary and the House of Lords.

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Establishing a Government
The First Cabinet Meeting, Early Foa, 1945

Prime Minister Poterek beamed as he looked at the newly formed cabinet around him. Sure, there were more radicals than he would've liked, but the elections had been an overwhelming success, and now he could get into the business of governing. "Well, comrades," he began, addressing the cabinet ministers. "Let's get down to business, shall we? I've drafted up a long list of legislation regarding our campaign promises during the election, and I'd like to spend the first meeting reviewing these plans to ensure that we follow through on our promises and begin true reform."

Economic Minister Zachariasiewicz looked through some of the plans and nodded, "What you're asking my department to do is imminently possible, Comrade Prime Minister, though I'm not sure if the capitalists will approve of higher tax rates, and even the barest of nationalization campaigns, even if it is for the limited staol stockpiles Lusatia lays claim to. They'll fight tooth and nail for every industry they've sunk their claws into."

Transport Minister Musiała scoffed, "And that's why you make it think it's their idea to share their business with you, rather than force them to yield outright. Foot in the door, rather than blowing the door up, Comrades. At any rate, what you're asking me to do is impossible. A competing national rail-line will not be successful unless it integrates some privately owned rails with it. Mind you, that'll also be impossible unless you go along with my tactics. You see..."

As Musiała devolved into ranting, many of the other ministers rolled their eyes and began discussing among themselves and the Prime Minister regarding their duties and plans for the future. Life in Lusatia was about to change, and the people were about to seize control.

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A Quiet Night at the Lusatian Ministry, Foa 1945

Kuropaś sighed. Reforming the entire state piece-by-piece was taking forever. The reactionaries in the Sejm was doing everything they could to stall for time, and because the Prime Minister still sought to play by their rules, the entire affair was being horribly delayed. How long until the public believed the SLP was being ineffectual? How long until the hardliners lost their patience? The party wouldn't last if this delay was abided, something had to change.

For example, take this latest news from Trzebina: their hospitals were overcrowded, some infection or another spiking unseasonably. The temporary hospital space could've been there, easily, had the government been able to move faster and pass its major investment plans, turning capitalist money into social services for all the citizenry. Instead, Kuropaś could only apologize as the funding was unavailable, that they'd have to make do with whatever they had, promising the dispatch of a government medical expert, some no-name from the surgeon general's office, probably, and figure out if there's some local inefficiency that could be corrected for to solve the problem, instead. In the meantime, it was expected they'd just off-load patients to other hospitals within the same voivodeship, maybe to next-door Poniatowa voivodeship if absolutely necessary (due to the region never falling to Galra's invasion, the hospitals there were larger and more advanced).

Kuropaś stood up after writing his response and sent a notice for a medical professional under government contract to travel to Trzebina to rectify the situation and report back once he had done so. Then, he returned home for the night, and dreamt of the future.

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Important Legislation Passed, Fessera 1945

The Creation of Ministries Act

In response to the mounting infections reported in the southern regions of Lusatia, the Lusatian Sejm has invested in the government the power to create new ministries and agencies to deal with the issues that have arisen. Included within the act is the immediate formation of the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Welfare, to be led by persons of the government's choosing, as well as the Corporate Oversight Agency and the Disease Control Agency. The COA is granted responsibility over corporate affairs, particularly when these affairs pertain to government work, while the Disease Control Agency is under the control of the Ministry of Health and is responsible for investigating and containing the spread of infectious diseases through all viable means.

This legislation would easily pass the Sejm and faced little push-back from any section of government, as though Conservatives and Liberals distrusted the COA and insisted on the lack of need for a Ministry of Welfare, they did not wish to oppose a plan to deal with the disease in the south.

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The Corporate Nationalization Act

Passed shortly after the Creation of Ministries Act, this act empowers the newly formed COA to single-out troublesome corporations and necessary industries to nationalize in order to preserve the workings of the economy and ensure greater national coordination in times of crisis, compensating owners with a fair sum in exchange. Citing concerns that Lusatian rail companies may attempt to ignore planned travel precautions and restrictions, the government insisted on the need of a bill enabling the government to nationalize the rail companies and put them under the control of the Ministry of Transportation, which had long struggled to get any railway corporation to work with it, instead relegated to infrastructure projects along the national highways.

Strongly opposed by both Liberal and Conservative members of the Sejm, it is rumored the national judiciary may rule on the issue in due time, violating Lusatian citizens' right to property. In any case, the government has moved ahead with planned nationalization of several companies, particularly those railway companies that had been least cooperative with the government in the past, perhaps more caring about the point being proved then actually taking control of the whole system. Minister of Transportation Biernat Musiała called the move half-done, insisting that the cost of nationalizing all the railroad companies would be paid in full by the much better service the government could coordinate if the entire industry was under his care.

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The National Healthcare Act

Citing the cost of healthcare in Lusatia and insisting on ensuring that even the poorest could afford proper healthcare, the last of the "emergency bills" has passed through the Sejm. The National Healthcare Act establishes a system of health insurance for all citizens that, depending on the income of the individual involved, varies in cost from person to person, and is not available to be opted out of. Granting every citizen full coverage of regular check-ups and emergency visits, it does not currently cover specialty healthcare operations, simply due to the anticipated price the act will levy on the government. However, it is expected that the service will be expanded over time as the full costs of the program become clearer.

Again, Conservative and Liberal parliamentarians denounced the move, decrying it as severe government overreach into the area of healthcare, which was perfectly covered by private options prior to this moment. They insist that any government intervention in healthcare will result in severe price inflation on remaining private options.

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Important Legislation Passed, Vaylien 1945

Full Rights for Nowa Lusatia Act

Finally catching up to the backlog of legislation the government was working on, Nowa Lusatia was fully admitted into the Lusatia political system, with the four voivodeships of the department being incorporated into Lusatia proper. The main delayer of the bill was constant debate over the status and rights of the local population which was not ethnically Lusatian.

Eventually, the SLP pushed through the objections of the Liberals and Conservatives and granted full and equal rights and responsibilities to the Algesin population of Nowa Lusatia, guaranteeing that they will have the full legal right to vote and run for office. Observers note this will also ensure the Algesins are properly incorporated into a future draft plan, considering this legislation finally made it through the Sejm only after Galra's annexation of the United Agrarian Republics.

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The Mobilization Act of 1945

During the emergency session of the Sejm called following the annexation of the UAR, the Sejm near unanimously approved a defensive mobilization plan against Galra. The draft is to be immediately reinstated, and up to 1,000,000 additional soldiers are to be raised, with further equipment to be provided and training to be undertaken in the coming days and weeks. The draft will increase the eligible fighting population from about the 1.5% of the population currently enrolled to about 4% of the population, leaving about 1.3 million reservists to act as further stopgaps should additional mobilization prove necessary. Plans are underway for training camps and military bases to be established along the southern parts of Lusatia, though the Ministry of Defense is taking care to avoid plague-infected hotspots, not wanting an outbreak among military personnel.

This mobilization order now includes Nowa Lusatia, now fully integrated into the Lusatian state. Government officials have urged Galra to explain its actions and overwhelming indicate that, should another war break out, it will be Galra's fault, not Lusatia's. 

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The Border Fortification Act

The last Legislation passed during the emergency session was a bill authorizing government funding to be allocated for the construction of a line of forts, redoubts, and other fortifications to be constructed along the Lusatian-Galran border, with priority to be focused along where the UAR used to be, and important mountain passes being reinforced as needed, as well.

Funding for the bill is to be raised via emergency government bonds, with further plans to increase revenue underway for the next fiscal year. The Minister of Defense, speaking on the passage of the Sejm's emergency bills, has stated the ball is in Galra's court to prove their actions are not that of an aggressor, that all of Lusatia's actions are purely defensive, and that Lusatia remains committed to peace first.