The Internationale

[Moshel-Generał]

Revolution vs Reform.  That was on the forefront of every left leaning movements' minds as the URRV established itself on the world stage.  While the international movement had always existed it had become disorganized due to the Great War, with there being movements supporting and opposing the war.  However with the establishment of the URRV as a powerful communist state there were many calls to reform the Internationale, and finally with the support of the Consuls a meeting would be held in Librevelt.

The plans were meticulous.  The first thing that was necessary to choose was the meeting place.  This was a massive undertaking as this would be the largest gathering of foreign nationals in the URRV since the nation was established.  Ultimately several venues were chosen, all based on their history with the revolutionary movements.  The meetings would mostly take place in the Revolutionary Hall, the building built specifically for the Supreme Congress of the Velts.  The meeting would be overseen by the Consuls of the URRV and would be grounds for a free and open debate.  The most important thing would be that all ideas were open to being heard.

With the plan set, the invitations were sent.  Communists and Socialist parties around the globe would receive the invite.  However it did not stop there.  Trade Unions and Left Leaning Republican groups would also receive invitations.  Finally, even though they were at odds of sorts with the rest of the groups Syndicalist and Anarchist groups were also invited.  The hope was that the Internationale would help sort out all the differences and that they could work together to face the capitalists and reactionaries and free the people of the globe from their overlords.

[alxeu]

The main issue with the URRV's call of an Internationale was not that the members of the Socialist Labor Party didn't want to go. It was quite the opposite, in fact, as many leading members of the party expressed interest in travelling to be a part of it. Rather, Lusatian politicians who sought to travel to the URRV faced the possibility of undermining their election campaigns back home. In addition, the Lusatian government did not recognize the URRV, and the border was still shutdown after Lusatia's part in the attempts to dislodge the revolutionary communist state.

Despite these issues, the SLP put together a small representative cadre to travel to the Internationale, prioritizing relations with other communist parties over their own safety, and figuring that the major parties back home would hardly care either way.

The members of the SLP delegation were as follows:

Szymon Poterek (Leader of the SLP)
Danillo Perkoski (Leader of the Lusatian Federation of Labor, Syndicalist)


In addition, the following two notable individuals attended the Internationale, independent of the SLP's official delegation:

Biernat Musiała (Minor activist on behalf of the SLP, has unorthodox ideas)
Col. Markus Borek (Lusatian Red Guardsman, Advocate of URRV-style Revolution in Lusatia)

[Greywall]

Members of Ulster-Gaelia's Labor Union Party were given permission to attend the meeting.

Richard Chamberlain (Democratic Socialist, head of the LUP, current member of Parliament representing North Western Faroe)
Sasha Green (Socialist Communist)

[Moshel-Generał]

Those arriving in the URRV would receive a warm welcome upon arrival in the capital city of Librevelt. They would be greeted by Commissar Bonaparte, the chief organizer of the Internationale in the URRV, alongside Commissar Perón. The two Commissars would show the guests around the city, placing them in the Jaune District of Librevelt, the area specifically for foreign affairs. After given a brief tour of the city the guests would be given some currency, it was explained that this would be needed for luxury items, and a booklet with coupons, these coupons could be used for meals and held enough for a week after the Internationale was scheduled to end. They would also be given a guidebook that explained dates and times in the URRV, with a convertor from the outside world to the URRV. Each member of the delegation was invited to submit debate topics that would be brought up during the meetings of the Internationale, and were informed that the topics would be approved by the Consuls themselves and if denied a reason would be returned and an opportunity to resubmit it would be given.

[alxeu]

The following topics of discussion were proposed by the Lusatian delegates to the Internationale, signed by those who wished to speak on each matter:

Official Support of Various Political Organizations in Other Nations as Internationale Affiliates - Szymon Poterek
A Defense of Syndicalism and Worker Unions and Worker Democracy - Danillo Perkoski
An Alternative Manifesto in Defense of the Workers of Lusatia - Biernat Musiała
Full Backing and Support for a Worker's Revolution in Lusatia - Markus Borek

[Moshel-Generał]

The topics were carefully reviewed by the Consuls and the government and all were approved, except one. Markus Borek would be informed that his topic was too bellicose for the Internationale. If he wished to have a topic it would have to be confined to peaceful interpretations, as the current goal of the Internationale was unity.

[StaolDerg]

The issue with the Elenria's leftist groups was not a matter of traveling to or wanting to go; rather the issue lay with whom. Revolutionaries and reformists alike sat on opposite ends, continuing their long-standing bickering from the National Forums over the matter of who to represent the Elenrian left, nevertheless finally agreeing on a combined group of the most prominent groups of the National Forums to go to the UCV. They consisted of the following-

Kalpren Hess (Social Democrat)
Apsen Ouven (Technocrat)
Jelnae Kaprins (Syndicalist)
Beris Tav (Keynesian)
Nakari Dapri (Leftist-Libertarian)
Api Kapris (Anarchist)

Greatferns would independently attend, quietly hoping for armed foreign support against the Crown at the Internationale, banking on disenfranchising the Crown members of the Elenrian left as too moderate and collaborators with the oppressing monarchy at the conference.

Heper Auchin (Internationalist UCV-Revolutionary)
Mi Calis (Anarchist)

[aimway921]

Largely unpopular leftist groups in Galra have cause some backlash when publicly announcing their intent to attend the Internationale. Despite that, Galra being a free country, they were not forbidden from such a journey. Due to the militarized and shut down border between the two nations, the delegates would travel through Koi, having acquired all the necessary visas and other documents that would allow them to do so.

The Delegates would be:

Paul Johnson (Democrat Party)

Christopher West (Communist Party)
Alexander Ruth (Communist Party)

Undor Festin (Anarchist)



Knowing how unpopular they are in their home nations, they proposed only one topic: Increasing popularity of socialist and communistic ideals in a society hostile to such ideals.

[Deleted]

The "leftist" groups within Kaireil weren't particularly unpopular, frankly the opposite, however The Imperial Territories of Kaireil was interested to see if the members of The Internationale could very well help Touli as a whole be rid of imperalistic forces. In particular, Ulster-Gaelia was becoming a increasingly prevelant problem with the massive amounts of debt stacking up and poisoning the economy if The Imperial Territories of Kaireil and preventing and preventing major economic expansion. The majority of The Kaireil Coalition for Democratic Representation was invited with the exception of the Kaireil Liberty Party and as such the coalition authority sent a ambassador with a diplomatic corps from various parties.

Kaireil Democratic Representation Coalition Ambassador: Baraz Moshiri
Kaireil Democratic Party Diplomat: Fakhri Ershadi
Kaireil Social Democratic Party Diplomat: Arash Esfahani
Kaireil Innovation Party Diplomat: Ferdous Abedi
Kaireil Socialist Party Diplomat: Soroosh Fallah
Kaireil Anarchist Association Diplomat: Esmaeel Zand
Kaireil Labor Association Diplomat: Roya Bozorgi


The diplomat corp sat down in their respective seats as they awaited for all the invited members of The Internationale to arrive.

[callmedelta]

There was a tense, cigarette-smoke filled air between the two men as they sat across from one another, a letter between them. Both Leon Frossard and Jean Blum knew what is was, of course. An invitation to the International. There was no question as to whether to send a representative, the question that made the air thicker than the smoke was who? It would have to be one of the two men in the room. The pair of protégées had strenuously held the party together as their late teacher and leader of the Communist party, Victor Blanqui, as well as the rest of the MPs were arrested by that treacherous despot, Dante, and his reactionary allies in the PSF. They had evaded arrest across Franerre, until they sat here in a Pareau slum near the docks, a ship bound for Amali leaving in the morning. From there, it would be comparatively easy to make their way to the UCV.

It would have to be one man. The ship could easily take the two of them, but it was too risky to send them both. The loss of the both of them would mean death for the PCF. On the surface, both men should have been ecstatic to represent the PCF in the International. But there was always a catch. There was a reason for the tension in the air. Blum and Frossard never agreed with one another, the only thing holding them together was Blanqui, and now the ever-present threat of the Royal Gendarmerie. They lead the two most prominent factions in the PCF, the creatively named Blumites and Frossards. They could worry about better names when they could stop looking over their shoulders ever time they walked down the street. The Blumites were the more orthodox of the two, holding strong to the semi-democratic traditions of Blanqui. The Blumites were also the less popular faction of the two, as too many members personally knew some of the MPs locked up. The Frossards, by contrast, advocated for the "dictatorship of the proletariat," a monarchy by another name as far as the Blumites were concerned. 

The costs and benefits of attending the International were the same for the two. If they could gain the International's support, it could cement Leon's hold on the party at home, or revitalize the Blumite movement. On the other hand, the Velts were a long way from Franerre and the backrooms that had became the new norm for the Communists. Several months away could snuff out the Blumites, or pull the rug out from under the Frossards. Leon spoke, breaking the silence, "What are your thoughts, Jean?" His tone was neutral, firmly placing the ball in Jean's court. Leon had already made up his mind on the matter once he received the letter and nothing Jean said could change that. But to go right out and say so would be too hasty.

"You are our esteemed leader, are you not, Leon?" Jean said. He knew of Frossard's ruthlessness. Blum couldn't afford to be away from Franerre and his struggling allies on the homefront, where they were just as likely to suffer an accident at the hands of the Frossards than be arrested by the Gendarmerie. 

"I am indeed," Leon answered, picking up the letter from the center of the table. It was easy for Frossard to keep his face cold as the decision was made, no matter how much he wished to smile. Leon stood up and left the room wordlessly, heading up the stairs to his room where Leon's luggage already lay packed.

---

Another letter lay on the desk of Lucas Monteaux's desk in the headquarter building of the SNF, located in downtown Pareau. Lucas knew what it was, of course. An invitation to the International. Monteaux's response would be evident to anyone familiar with Franerre's politics. The SNF had disavowed the UCV when the communists were banned, but they had still payed for it dearly. The letter he drafted was a short one, a cordial decline filled with excuses that neither party believed. That was the point of the public letter, after all. It would be printed in every newspaper in Franerre if Monteaux had his way. The second letter he drafted was the real response for the UCV. Lucas wished he could be public with his support, but it would be political suicide, and the party couldn't afford the King's ire. But the SNF was still a big party, at least that's what Monteaux told himself. Not everyone could be accounted for all the time, and even if an aide did happened to be noticed at the International, they were their own individual. Even so, it would still mean expulsion from the party, and another blow to the party's popularity Lucas hoped he could afford.

[Moshel-Generał]

All those who arrived would be greeted warmly and asked if they had topics to be added to the docket for discussion. Once all proposals were sent in it would be time for the Internationale to begin in earnest.

[alxeu]

Having been rejected in his request, Colonel Borek declined to revise his speaking topic, and departed the meeting to explore Librevelt, perhaps wishing to find a more open-eared official to speak to.

---

Of the Lusatian delegates, it would be Szymon Poterek who would speak first. Taking the podium, he soon went into his speech:

"Friends, comrades, it is good to be with you all! It is truly for the benefit of all the peoples of Ouhiri that the URRV has allowed us to congregate here today. I speak to you today of unity and brotherhood amongst our organizations, as if we do not work together, then, surely, the reactionaries will see us all destroyed one by one! Furthermore, we must seek to prevent internal divisions within ourselves to form a unified front against the bourgeoisie, until their influence is broken and we can begin the process of reorganizing the whole of the world."

"To this end, I have a simple proposition: that there be one Internationale-recognized organization in each nation, and that all good workers and supporters of the revolution be led to join these groups, so that we are not split into doctrinal disagreements before we have the chance to undo the reactionary scourge. We cannot allow internal division to jeopardize the equality of all classes and races; we cannot allow for the reactionaries to divide us!"

He would continue on in much the same way until his allotted time expired.

---

It was now Danillo Perkoski's turn to speak. An avid Syndicalist, he sought to defend his ideas before the Internationale.

"Workers! I thank you for the time you have provided me here today to speak to you all. While my comrade before spoke of unity, I find myself in an unenviable position of encouraging nuance in such unity. For while the revolution seeks equality for all classes, of equality for the urban masses and the rural poor, it must be emphasized that methods of unifying and collectivizing the estates and farms of the countryside will not always translate well to urban environments. It behooves us to understand that the revolution must be prepared to address the different concerns and situations within the cities of the bourgeoisie societies we seek to liberate."

"Is it not the cities that the first unions were formed, after all? The urban unions are quite familiar with worker's democracy and worker's action, and many of the ideological forbears who guided us to this point were influenced and inspired by the urban unions. It is my belief that we should encourage these bastions of workers' liberty, often the first front against tyranny in other nations, and use workers' democracy and the unions as the very building blocks of an egalitarian society within the cities and industrial centers, and where they do not exist, we should encourage them and nourish them, that the workers will always be able to defend their rights at every levels and at every part of society. A worker who is a member of the union will inevitably grow closer to his brethren and seek to protect them and their ways of life more than if they had not been bound together."

As before, he continued on with his speech until his time expired.

---

At last, Biernat Musiała took the stage, seeming energetic, carrying with him the fervor of a man possessed by conviction.

"Workers of Ouhiri! It is my pleasure to be here today to share with you all a new manifesto! For as long as I have been a man, I have been a good socialist, yet, as the terrors of war consumed the lands around me, and the corruption of the ruling reactionaries became increasingly evident, I found my resolve shaken by the pacifistic, docile nature of my comrades back home. For the first time in my life, I experienced doubt. Was what I was fighting for right? With some self-searching, I have now found the answer, and I wish to share it with you all today!"

"Social Patriotism is not a departure from the ideals of our predecessors, rather, it is a refinement of an idea, as well as solid realistic acceptance of the world we live in. So long as the reactionaries hold power, they shall seek to destroy. Whether it be for petty minor gains, as the Fifth Staol War proved, or to destroy the Revolution, they nonetheless know nothing but destruction for self-profit, no matter how short-term their gain is. It is the essence of Social Patriotism to take advantage of this short-sightedness."

"Gone is the rhetoric of peace and the opposition to war. While conflict is a great evil, we must understand that the sooner the reactionaries are deposed, the sooner all wars shall come to an end. However, simultaneously, we must also reevaluate our uncompromising stance towards the reactionaries. The only things they pursue are wealth and power, and we shall make offers of these things to bait them into a trap. We shall extend our hands in acceptance of their aid, lead them to believe we will cooperate, but, once they are entangled with us, the trap is sprung! No longer the masters, they will have instead given us the keys to their palaces, and access to their vast wealth. Thus the means of subverting the bourgeoisie is to make a truce with them in the short term, make them reliant on our patronage, then pull the rug out from under them. Though this corporatist economic style may harm the workers in the short term, this will, inevitably, result in a more rapid dissolution of bourgeoisie power, while also ensuring they are unable to escape with their wealth."

"Finally, we must reevaluate the nation-state in regards to the revolution. It is true that, one day, all the workers of the world shall be united and free of all outdated methods of oppression, but, until then, we must accept that there are inherent inequalities between the nations of Ouhiri. The URRV is the first socialist state, and that confers upon it a special duty to the revolution, one which ought to be respected among the nations of the world until the reactionaries are fully dealt with. Similarly, should nations like Lusatia or Ulster-Gaelia join the revolution, their vast wealth and military strength shall enable them to perform great deeds on behalf of the revolution, and so to, should they be respected for whatever part they are to play in the world revolution. Thus, we shouldn't ask these peoples to view the world revolution as their duty purely as a worker. Rather, we should get them to view it as not only a class imperative, but a national imperative, that their nation, having adopted the revolution at so early a stage, is specially bound to see through the revolution to its conclusion, or face humiliation and resentment from the other workers, for failing to have done their part for the revolution."

"There are many, many more things I wish to say, but I shall not drag this speech out to list every nuance. Rather, I shall demonstrate these principles when the SLP wins the Lusatian elections, and my fellow socialists and I get our chance to bring about the revolution back home."

With this, Musiała stepped down from the stage, wondering what the reception to his ideas would be. Glancing over at his fellow Lusatians, he could tell that they weren't exactly won over by his words. No matter. He would build up a cadre of allies within the party, then, they would have to listen.

[Faust]

Ironically there was a price to be paid for the revolution in Premna. It wasn't a peaceful conflict that happened over night but a many months long struggle for the people to liberate themselves from an archaic government that no longer stood on behalf of its people. Rather it was the people who were forced to hold it up. Katherin Rozenkwit and Max Kober survived the war for liberation and in their ardent support of the revolution, had their voices account among those that would shape Premna for the better. As the chosen delegates from Premna it was their responsibility to represent the nation in the Internationale with ulterior motives to secure both support and legitimacy in being a recognized government by a convention of like-minded organizations. The journey to the URRV from Premna was long, no doubt due to the fact the countries were at polar ends of the continent but regardless the two remained determined and resolute when they finally managed to arrive and get situated for their stay within Librevelt.

Both Kober and Rozenkwit were representatives of the Premnan Sozialistischepartei. Both were begat by the party for the same reason; secure support and aid in stabilizing Premna. Premna could be salvaged in time but the purpose of coming here was to find potential allies, community, and camaraderie with fellow members that were left of center. The motion was put out and they hoped they would make it into being integrated for the topics of the Internationale:

1) To recognize the Republic of Premna and it's current government to be legitimate according to the Internationale and its members.
2) To delivery voluntary acquisitions of supplies and financial aid, investing in the recovery and rebuilding of Premna by the Internationale and its members.
3) To create a fund an an International Intelligentsia to greatly broadcast leftists teachings and further both academic and artistic pursuit in Ouhiri through various medias in the Internationale and its members.
4) To reconcile differences between existing and attending ideologues of lefitst and revolutionary movements within the Internationale and its members.

[callmedelta]

Daniel Carte was a nobody. A studious boy from a backwater in Bromsole who merely hoped his aging father could get a pension from the government when he would inevitably retire, so the SNF was a natural fit for him, even if he was only an aide now. Unfortunately, Bromsole wasn't exactly known for their support of of the SNF, the local headquarters he hailed from looking shabbier and shabbier by the day, but that worked in Carte's favor. As a party member, he could be trusted to keep track of everything occurring at the International, but his low position made it easy for him to keep his head down. The only thing that allowed him into the International in the first place was a copy of Monteaux's letter, netting him a position safely in the back of the grand hall the conference was held in. He took diligent notes of who spoke and what they said, as well as audience reactions. But as Musiała and the next speaker took his place, Carte felt his stomach sink.

---

Leon gave a curt nod to Musiała as the former entered the stage and the latter exited. As he stood before the podium, Frossard began to speak with a booming voice and a passion that seemed to match or even overtake Musiała's at some points.

"Esteemed delegates from across Ouhiri, I am honored to be here before you. Doubtless you know the struggles I and my comrades have endured back home. My esteemed teacher Blanqui was captured and left to rot by the Despot Dante, as well as were a wealth of comrades-no, friends of mine across Franerre. I had hope that there was an ally with the King's ear, the National Unions of Franerre, who could help us in our time of need, but they left us to hide like the reactionaries they are. Comrade Porerek spoke about unity and brotherhood, and on that account I must agree. But for there to be unity, there can be no traitors, lest we be stabbed in the back like Blanqui before us. Dante's Gendarmerie has assailed the Communist Party of Franerre at every turn, and I know from experience they can wear the mask of progress well. To prevent such reactionaries from gaining hold, we must be vigilant and willing to cut it out at the root, permanently. Poterek says we must not allow the reactionaries to divide us, and I agree. We must crush them completely, so no thought of reaction can ever exist again." 

Leon paused, composing himself, before continuing.

"Comrade Perkoski spoke of the importance of unions, but with him I cannot disagree more. For was it not the National Unions of Franerre who sat by while Blanqui was arrested? Democracy in any form is a vehicle of reaction, so it must be dealt away with. These 'bastions of liberty' have been nothing more than the building blocks of reaction, a tool used by the Despot to try and stem the tide of revolution. For there to be true progress to a workers' utopia, unions must be under the boot of the state, lest reaction fester, or be cut out."

"Now, I find met with the last of the Lusatians, Comrade Musiała. Though I can agree in the truth of his words about the nature of reactionaries, he claims we must use the capitalist's means against them is absurd. For what good is the Revolution if we must use the methods of the bourgeoisie and oppress the workers along the way? We will have done nothing but made ourselves the new bourgeoisie, the very backstabbing traitors I spoke of. If Social Patriotism could dissolve the capitalist in one year, it would be worth less to me than if our means now took a thousand. It is for this reason that myself and my allies at home have created the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, to make sure no reactionaries can survive the wrath of the workers, and I would recommend you all to do the same."

Frossard panted, sweat dripping down his forehead and beginning to dampen his suit. He could only hope that his passion and words had swayed the International. "Thank you," Frossard said, leaving the podium.

[Deleted]

2 parties of the Kaireil Coalition for Democratic Representation stood up with the Tet Flower Association's ambassador to go up to the podium. The Tet Flower Association, the Kaireil Anarchist Association, and the Kaireil Labor Association looked to all the members of The Internationale. A single representative was brought forward, the ambassador of the Tet Flower Association. He wore cotton clothing, akin to those in the labor fields while being in better condition and looked out and spoke with a soft but calm manner.

"You have all brought up interesting points, and the Tet Flower Association one of the nations free of tyranny, rid themselves of tyranny from Navarra nearly 2 centuries ago. We have organized to be a primarily libertarian socialist association, having fully integrated democratic systems for both the people and workers with a national assembly and full control in their hands, autonomous societies, or communes and unions as it is called in common. Truly, we are an old and militarily weak nation against these vastly classified reactionary forces seeking to directly annex and control our association."

The ambassador took a sip of his willow tree leaf tea as he tried to get the audience to wait in suspense. Finishing up he put the teacup next to the podium before continuing, disregarding common practice entirely.

"This is not the case for the URRV and now we have the means to sustain our survival of all organizations seeking to protect the citizenry from further persecution, imperialism, vast inequality, and endless suffering. These forces are backed with millions upon millions of armaments pointed directly at the suppression of our movements and ultimate extermination. We all have vast differences outlined in the arguments above, with calls for different fundamental utopian visions, execution and etc... So I suggest The Internationale instead take the role of creating a coalition of these movements into a unified force to sustain itself and to support movements that are both sufficiently popular or have the potential for popularity which frees the people from the chains of objectively defined tyranny by us all, such as imperialistic powers. Public aims for a global unification is going to ruin our chance for sustenance in this cruel world and will lead to the end of us all with a major ideology dominating while the rest of us leftists are underrepresented. It is like any coalition in government, the minority within the coalition is utterly ignored if not sufficiently large enough.

Regardless, the Tet Flower Association with the Kaireil Anarchist Association and Kaireil Labor Association are creating a unified movement to sustain the existence and influence of libertarian socialism, seeking to bring direct democratic authority to the people through various mediums, be it communes, unions, societies, or other systems. That is all, thank you for having me, I am Người mang hy vọng the will be the speaker of the Tet Flower Association which is part of the Ouhiri Libertarian Socialist Association. Contact the Tet Flower Association for membership and we will gladly accept you."

With that the man stepped down, gaining a positive response from followers of the Kaireil Anarchist Association, Kaireil Labor Association, and his own country as well. As he moved to go back to his respective seat, observing the meeting in silence.